CONCLUDING REMARKS OBSTACLES IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF PAKISTAN WAY FORWARD

BTTN SEMINAR “THE OBSTACLES IN PAKISTAN’S SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENT” ON 8TH MAY 2023 HELD AT BUITEMS UNIVERSITY, QUETTA, BALOCHISTAN

1. GENERAL (R) KHALID AHMED KIDWAI NI, HI, HI(M) AD NCA
2. Honourable Governor Baluchistan Janab Malik Abdul Wali Kakar Sahib, distinguished speakers at today’s Seminar, Consultant Baluchistan Think Tank Network Brig Agha Ahmed Gul, Executive Director Baluchistan Think Tank Network Dr Zafar Khan, ladies and gentlemen. Assalam Alaikum.
3. It gives me great pleasure indeed to speak at the end of this important Seminar organized brilliantly by BTTN by way of an Epilogue. At the outset I would like to first offer my sincere compliments to team BTTN for taking the initiative of getting us all together to discuss and debate serious interlinked national issues that lie at the heart of the well-being, progress, prosperity and security of the people of Pakistan.
4. The broader topic of the Seminar, that is, “Obstacles in Socio-Economic and Political Development of Pakistan – A Way Forward” was very appropriately split into two sessions with three sub- topics in each session. The subject matter within each of the six sub-topics was vital and needed to be discussed and debated in order to seek a way forward. I am very happy to note that each topic and each session was done full justice by the eminent speakers as well as the participants. The talks by the speakers and the discussions that followed were intellectually stimulating and the views expressed were thought provoking. I would like to express my deep gratitude to the distinguished speakers, each one of whom is well regarded as subject specialist on the subjects that they spoke on. We stand better educated on the rich variety of issues that were debated.
5. In my opinion today’s proceedings, at the very grass roots level, at a personal level, touch each one of us as individuals, as members of communities and societies in our respective urban or rural areas, and at a macro level at all three tiers of government: local bodies, provincial and federal. All issues that were covered today agitate our minds in personal discussions whether at formal forums or in the drawing rooms.
6. The inequities, imbalances, injustices, and near absence of good governance at each of these levels of government cast their shadows over our everyday lives. Even though we have learnt to live with these inequities and injustices, and trudge along in life bearing the burden that lies heavy on our people and societies, especially on the disadvantaged segments, the fact of the matter is that these issues lie at the core of Pakistan’s multi-faceted political, social and economic problems. These cry out for amicable and urgent resolution through practical solutions, not just in theory and debate, but on ground in a manner that the people of Pakistan can sense and feel a positive change in their lives. 75 years have gone by and the state has much to answer to its individual citizens, as indeed the individual citizen has much to answer to the state. It is this two way give and take contract, a social contract, which suffers from considerable dysfunctionality in Pakistan.
7. BTTN chose the six topics for this Seminar and frankly it is difficult for me to single out any one of these topics which might be less important than the other. Each topic is important, each needs attention and cries for resolution and solution so as to make Pakistan a happier place for its citizens. Due to time constraints however I have picked two topics to comment upon.
8. Topic-1 related to the fundamental compact that we as individuals make with the state and vice versa. In this context, I would very briefly highlight two events from past history and two events from our relatively modern history to illustrate the point. All four events are relevant to Pakistan and its people.
9. First, the theory or concept of Social Contract which I have mentioned, was espoused by the Frenchman Jean-Jacques Rousseau which led in 1789 to the tectonic events of the French Revolution. The French Revolution eventually turned out to become the mother of modern democracies across Europe, North America and some Third World countries. The Social Contract, which in essence espouses a give and take contract of mutual obligations between the individual and the state, continues to be the basis of modern equitable, just and democratic societies. However, while seeking virtue in democracy as a way of life, when it came to the application of the principles of democracy in societies like Pakistan, we have fallen well short of its objectives to the extreme detriment of our people. Pakistan’s social contract between the state and the individual citizen remains considerably unhinged.
10. Second, twelve centuries before Rousseau and the French Revolution, between the years 610 AD and 632 AD, our very own Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) gave us Muslims in a short span of 22 years our very own concept of a social contract, a complete way of life, through our religion Islam, the Holy Quran and the Hadith. Islam was a revolution in history of far greater impact and compact than any man-made revolution; it changed history and way of life across continents forever. Little wonder that eminent western scholars have rated Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) as the most influential individual who shaped history and way of life. But then again, when it came to the application of the principles of Islam in societies like Pakistan, we once again have fallen well short to the detriment of our people. The social contract between the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the individual citizen remains considerably unhinged on this account too.
11. Third, the Muslims of British-governed India under the leadership of the great Quaid-e-Azam, demanded in 1940 a separate homeland for the Muslims of Hindustan. The demand culminated in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. Pakistan as a Utopian state of our dreams was expected to deliver to the individual not only political freedom from the slavery of the British and the Hindu as an outcome of the Two-Nation theory in terms of practicing his faith freely but was also expected to deliver and attend to the individual’s essential worldly needs. Well, 75 years later, we can sit in judgment today as in this Seminar, and try and make a report card as to how much, or how well, or how little, has the state of Pakistan succeeded in delivering to its citizens the essentials of a give and take contract of mutual obligations. And also a step further, a report card of how much, or how well, or how little, have we as individuals succeeded in fulfilling our obligations towards the state. An honest, balanced and objective report card will probably show successes and failures on the part of both the state and the individuals.
12. Fourth, the Constitution of Pakistan was enacted late but enacted nevertheless in 1973 through consensus of the entire spectrum of political thought across the four Provinces. That Constitution survives today 50 years to the dot, which in itself is a miracle of sorts, and even though it has gone through a number of amendments as most living documents do go through, the individual Pakistani still looks up and waits patiently for the state to address his and his family’s basic needs and rights of life and survival as per the provisions of the Constitution of Pakistan.
13. The foregoing aspects were well covered and analysed in the three sub-topics of Session I by the speakers and the participants. My take on the issue is relatively simple. The Constitution of Pakistan circa 1973, duly amended from time to time, represents the will and aspirations of the people of all the four Provinces of Pakistan, freely expressed through their chosen representatives. It is the glue that binds Pakistan and its people firmly as a nation. The Constitution of 1973 has withstood the rigours and the pulls and pushes of 50 years of its existence. It is our precious property and we the people of Pakistan have given it to ourselves. It must continue to be handled with care and love. The lack of success you will probably agree lies not with the Constitution the document but with the people who are entrusted to run the state according to the Constitution. And here again we might find that the envisaged social contract as per the Constitution between the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the individual citizen remains considerably unhinged on this account as well.
14. The second topic on which I would like to comment upon is Topic-5 of Session-II “Geostrategic Competing Demands of Major Powers, Implications – Management Options.”
15. Ladies and gentlemen. Pakistan’s security does not exist in a vacuum. It is intrinsically linked to the regional security paradigm specific to South Asia which, additionally, like many other important regions of the world, also carries the burden of the fallout of the global big power competition. The strategic effects certainly include as a response, amongst others, the rationale for Pakistan to have taken the nuclear weapons development route.
16. When we talk of regional security especially in the nuclearized environments of South Asia, from Pakistan’s perspective, a simple reading of the map makes strategic location, or geography, or geo-strategic competing demands, very clear; the strategic region of Pakistan’s security interest is South Asia, I repeat South Asia, which is essentially defined by the states of Pakistan and India. Not the new term of Southern Asia that has been coined by India with a political purpose to include China. It is South Asia where Pakistan and India are located, will continue to be located, and because of adversarial relations between our two countries, that is where the nuclear dimensions, or nuclear dynamics of regional security begin, operate and end as far as Pakistan is concerned.
17. Additionally, however, again in a nuclear context, Pakistan needs to take into account the presence and deployment by our adversary of nuclear weapons at sea, or under the sea carrying elements of first and second strike capability. Since these oceanic deployments are of direct concern to Pakistan’s security and are factored in our threat assessments, it is only logical that the land mass of South Asia as a region be considered as extending southwards and be referred to as the extended South Asia region. This would imply portions of the Indian Ocean per se, including the Arabian Sea, as Pakistan’s area of security concern. That in essence is the area of interest of Pakistan which defines our perceptions of threat and our response to the threat the land mass of South Asia and the relevant areas of the Indian Ocean to be referred to as extended South Asia. Beyond that, strategists, scholars and academics are free to debate whether extended South Asia belongs to the Asia-Pacific Region or not.
18. However, since India has chosen to expand its security interest to the faraway Asia-Pacific region by becoming part of a grouping called Quad, or Quadrilateral Dialogue, and has generally aligned its broader security policies with the competition, confrontation and containment policies of the US and the west, it has started to enjoy not only political benefits but also tangible benefits of military equipment and advanced technology. These extraordinary tangible benefits carry direct consequences for Pakistan’s security and therefore have to be factored into our threat calculus.
19. Ever since President Obama’s Pivot to Asia sometime in 2011, the resultant focus of the United States to contain the rise and rise of China, is today the singular dynamic driving the international, and in the case of Asia and extended South Asia particularly, the regional geopolitical scene, with chips falling wherever they might.
20. Where does South Asia, or extended South Asia as I said, figure out in this unfolding global and regional geopolitical environment? What are the emerging challenges or competing demands for Pakistan especially because of Pakistan’s traditional and strong strategic relationship with China on the one hand as well as a long history of transactional relationship with the US on the other hand? Is a balancing act possible that would work to serve Pakistan’s national interests? How should Pakistan in the context of its security interests view and respond to the clear strategic choice that the US has made in over two decades by now, of propping up India as a counter weight to China in every possible way?
21. While foreign policy choices are not always easy to make, states like Pakistan which are located in crush zones, carry the burden of making difficult choices which can border on making existential choices. These choices have to be exercised with clarity and vision as to where lie Pakistan’s vital national interests. History is transient, neighbourhood is not, and national interests are permanent. Given the history of Pakistan’s strategic experiences spread over the last seven decades plus, it must be clear to Pakistan that its vital national interests are inexorably linked to its strategic relationship with China. The time-tested Pakistan-China strategic relationship is deeply rooted in our common history of 75 years and standing by each other under the most challenging geo-political environments. The choice, if ever there was one, is crystal clear. Pakistan must not waver in retaining its strategic relationship with China under any circumstances. This has been done before and must continue to be done by adhering to the basic principles and understanding that have guided in the past the bilateral Pakistan-China friendship and relationship. By doing so Pakistan will remain on the right side of history and benefit from the continued rise of China, which is inevitable and starkly clear for all to see. At a multilateral forum too, Pakistan has done the right thing by becoming a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) thereby strategically balancing ourselves with China, Russia and the Central Asian Republics. We must also look seriously at the growing importance of the multilateral grouping of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), where it is quite discernible that a large number of countries especially in Pakistan’s neighbourhood are showing growing interest.
22. Having said that it is also important to retain working relationships with the US and other significant powers especially in the Middle Eastern neighbourhood. The US is still very much a global super power and cannot be wished away.
23. The bottom line, however, for Pakistan to regain its ability to exercise sovereign choices in foreign policy and be able to stand firm while exercising those choices, it is absolutely vital for Pakistan to regain its economic sovereignty, which unfortunately at this point stands fairly compromised. Without economic sovereignty it will remain a challenge for Pakistan to adopt a sovereign foreign policy. If we look around our neighbourhood and see which countries are exercising relatively smart foreign policy choices, we will find that whether it is India, with Foreign Exchange Reserves of USD 600 Billion, or Saudi Arabia, UAE and Iran with their vast economic wealth, or even Turkey with a relatively stable economy, all of these countries enjoy the luxury of aligning their foreign policy with their vital national interests. Economic sovereignty is the key, and may I repeat for emphasis, economic sovereignty is the key.
24. Before I end I would like to once again extend my sincere compliments to team BTTN, Brig Agha Ahmed Gul and Dr Zafar Khan for organizing today’s Seminar in a most professional manner. I would also like to thank the eminent speakers for their expert views and the participants for generating animated discussion.

            And most certainly we are honoured by the presence of the Honourable Governor Malik Abdul Wali Kakar Sahib. Sir, thank you for sparing time and being with us.

4. Thank you ladies and gentlemen.