Host: Nusrat Mirza, Chief Editor of the Monthly Interaction
Interaction Team
Q: Brig. Gul, I believe our readers would find your in-depth and intriguing exploration of the region’s history quite engaging. I would thus request you to please, continue.
Ans: Certainly. The British historians investigate the rationale behind naming this area British Balochistan. As at that time, there were no Baloch inhabitants; it was predominantly populated by Pathans. Considering the occupation of the Pathan territory in South Afghanistan, it seems logical to assume they could have assigned a name other than British Balochistan.
In 1843, Lord Kitchener and General Kitchener successfully conquered Sindh, extending their influence up to Jacobabad. They acquired an additional area, eight miles beyond Jacobabad, previously a site of Jhatpat, and incorporated parts of Qalati Balochistan.
The Mari-Bugti region, entrusted to Mir Nasir’s command 250 years ago during Ahmad Shah Abdali’s era, was essentially a hilly expanse. The Khan of Qalat lacked the resources to administer it. Both Murree and Bugti regions were initially part of Afghanistan during Ahmad Shah Abdali’s reign but eventually gained autonomy.
Robert Sandman peacefully negotiated the acquisition of the Murree and Bugti areas without resorting to military force. These regions demonstrated unwavering loyalty to the British, exemplified by a Marri delegation traveling to Zhob to negotiate with the Pathans. Robert Sandeman, then Deputy Commissioner of Dera Ghazi Khan, followed without military reinforcement. The Marri delegation praised the British as advocates of peace, health improvement, and conflict resolution. Persuaded by their sincerity, the Pathans in Zhob peacefully aligned with the British cause. Consequently, in November 1893, British Balochistan was officially established after King Abdul Rahman, Robert Sandman, and local representatives signed the agreement.
We have discussed two distinct regions named Balochistan, one being British Balochistan and the other Qalati Balochistan. Let’s delve into the context of Pakistan’s establishment in 1947. At that pivotal moment, the Khan of Qalat, intimately familiar with Quaid-e-Azam and having served as his legal advisor for about 20-25 years an association known for its closeness expressed joy over Pakistan’s creation but advocated for Qalati Balochistan’s independence.
Quaid-e-Azam responded by pointing out that the British considered Qalat as part of their domain. Despite Khan Sahib’s persistent efforts, including attempts at forming a confederation, Quaid-e-Azam remained unyielding. Consequently, on March 28, 1948, the Khan signed the Instrument of Accession. Quaid-e-Azam suggested renaming it to the Balochistan States Union, ensuring that Khan would retain his title since Pakistan lacked a constitution at that time.
Regarding British Balochistan, Quaid-e-Azam affirmed its continued existence and suggested a slight name change. He acknowledged that the constitution would dictate the final nomenclature. Unbeknownst to him, the constitutional process took eight years, commencing in late 1955. Qalat Division and Quetta Division were established, while West Pakistan emerged as a province with Lahore as its capital.
To those who contend that Qalati Balochistan was forcefully taken, I remind my Baloch friends that Quaid-e-Azam offered the Khan to remain in his position. Additionally, subsequent governors-general, five in total, continued this practice. The Khan reported to them with their approval, and none removed him after Quaid-e-Azam’s tenure. This contradicts claims of military aggression, as neither Quaid-e-Azam nor subsequent governors-general would have permitted such actions.
Thus, this amalgamation forms the third Balochistan. Of the four Balochistan regions, only three have historical ties to us. When discussing Baluchistan, it is crucial to specify the context identifying the particular region, the political era, and the corresponding year.
Turning our attention to the inception of Pakistan’s first constitution on March 23, 1956, coinciding with the anniversary of Pakistan’s resolution, a challenge arose due to the lack of shared experience among its diverse provinces.
Bengal, having been divided, posed an additional complication. The inhabitants of these regions had not coexisted, and the unfamiliarity extended to governance. In 1958, two years later, a tragic incident unfolded on October 6th when the Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly in Dhaka was fatally assaulted. Responding to this upheaval, President Sikander Mirza declared martial law on October 8th. Subsequently, Ayub Khan formulated a new constitution in 1962, retaining most provinces with some modifications.
Criticism emerged against the concept of a unified state, particularly voiced by Balochistan residents, who faced challenges traveling to Lahore for routine tasks and felt marginalized. The consensus was clear: they rejected the one-unit system, advocating for the autonomy that British Balochistan and Qalati Balochistan had enjoyed, functioning peacefully.
In 1970, Balochistan attained provincial status as Yahya Khan dismantled the one-unit structure. However, it is essential to note that Qalati Balochistan, historically a tribal monarchy, had a distinctive governance structure. Despite being impoverished, it operated independently, answering to either the British or Afghanistan.
Upon becoming a province, the neglect of Balochistan’s development became apparent. With poverty prevailing, the area lagged behind in all sectors including education and industry. It wasn’t until General Zia-ul-Haq that attention was given to uplifting Balochistan. During his era, significant strides were made, including the establishment of major electricity transmission lines.
The major electricity transmission lines were installed during the era of Zia ul Haq. Governor Gen. Rahimuddin Khan was the sole visitor before me. Following Rahimuddin Khan, I served as a uniformed soldier, ensuring the connectivity of the lines. People would often refer to me as Rahimuddin Khan, the one who visited.
Our civilian counterparts did not contribute to this effort, leading to the emergence of the third Balochistan. Now, when you mention the unrest in Balochistan, I inquire: Which Balochistan are you referring to? Northern Balochistan remains peaceful, with sporadic incidents involving TTP members who come, commit a few acts of violence, and retreat.
Although they may not always retreat and are sometimes eliminated on the spot, Southern Balochistan is also relatively calm. Have you witnessed any issues in Lasbela? Have there been massacres from Sibi to Jacobabad? The unequivocal answer is no.
Only southwestern Balochistan, the poorest region, is affected by militancy. During a conversation with a wise man, I suggested that if we were to provide individuals in that area with 25,000 rupees to stay at home and cease fighting, they would likely comply. This way, we wouldn’t have to allocate more than half of the funds currently invested in security. Consequently, the troublemakers would find contentment.
Consider this scenario: a person without enough to eat is approached by someone offering money in exchange for harming soldiers or placing a bomb. In order to survive, the individual would likely agree to such a proposition. In such cases, the question of whether these people are a part of Pakistan becomes irrelevant. What matters is that the more impoverished someone is, the more susceptible they are to exploitation
Q: Brig. Gul, let me inquire about another aspect that unfolded during the tenures of Pervez Musharraf and Kiyani; many Baloch individuals were enlisted in the army. Even during our interview with Bugti, he expressed concern about the situation in Gwadar, advocating for the recruitment of our fellow Balochis.
Back then, a significant portion of the local population lacked formal education. However, the efforts initiated during the tenure of Pervez Musharraf elevated the educational level of the Baloch people, enabling them to assume leadership roles within their respective teams. Do you concur that these endeavors had a substantial impact?
Ans: Certainly, there was a considerable impact. Mr. Pervez Musharraf, along with others from the staff college, including teachers and students, were extensively briefed about the entire country. They physically visited each region. I was present during the inauguration of Gwadar by Mr. Pervez Musharraf, still in service at that time.
People raised concerns with Musharraf about the impact of building the seaport on the local populace. Pervez Musharraf assured them that efforts would be made to educate and support them, acknowledging that it would take some time. Presently, despite Pervez Musharraf being absent for an extended period, Gwadar boasts one university, Turbat has another, and Panjgur hosts a third.
While the distance between them is less than 200 miles, becoming a graduate is not an overnight accomplishment. It requires time, and the student’s interest is crucial. Unfortunately, we still grapple with a tribal culture that urges the passing of students with minimal marks. Despite a High Court mandate requiring 75 percent attendance, people approach me to pass students with low attendance. The persistence of this colonial system is disheartening.
General Musharraf implemented various reforms, extending the age limit for CSS and PCS exams. Previously, the age limit was lower, but now it stands at 38. This change allows individuals to complete their graduation by the age of 38, even if their educational journey is gradual, and then take the exam. Travelling through Balochistan today, you will find local Pathans, and Baloch individuals in every department. The army has even relaxed standards to facilitate their recruitment.
Q: In 2016, I visited Turbat and had the opportunity to meet a Balochi commodore, which was a source of great satisfaction for me. They introduced several Baloch officers, showcasing the Navy’s advanced capabilities. Could you elaborate on the significance of Turbat concerning joining the Navy?
A: The primary reason for joining the Navy for individuals from Turbat and Makrans is the geographical convenience. It is much easier for them to come to Karachi than to go to Quetta, which is a more challenging journey. Traveling to Quetta takes two days, while reaching Karachi takes one and a half days. Additionally, considering the option of traveling by boat adds more time to the journey. The people of Turbat are known for their high level of education.
Regarding recruitment practices, Mr. Pervez Musharraf mentioned that individuals failing in the Inter-Services Selection Board were given three months of training, and those who passed after the training were recruited. Currently, there is a Brigadier from Balochistan, specifically from Nushki, in the army. In the military, officers from Balochistan, whether Baloch or Pathan, are recognized as being from Balochistan.
It’s worth noting the historical issue with the name “Balochistan.” The British originally named the area “British Balochistan,” causing confusion. In 1970, the Khan of Qalat, who later served as the governor of Balochistan for five years, advocated for renaming the entire area as Balochistan. The settlers who founded North Balochistan are regrettably treated in a manner that undermines their identity. There are also 12 lakh Hazara people. How can we neglect them all? In fact, the Khan of Qalat intentionally did so, being aware of the facts. After him, General Yahya and others either did not know or failed to realize the consequences of their actions. Now, when they assert that Balochistan seeks freedom, even this Pathan (indicating the research officer of RFI) is standing. Ask him if he would be willing to work under Baloch leadership.
- Here, the problem arises regarding whether you constitute 40 percent or 60 percent. This uncertainty stems from occasional misinformation.
Ans: I assert that, at present, 60 percent of the population in Balochistan comprises Pathans. Take Lasbela, for instance; it is inhabited by Jamots. Regarding the Brahvis, you may be familiar with the name AK Brahvi. Until 1960, Brahvis proudly identified themselves with their surname, Brahvi. At that time, Baloch individuals expressed concerns that if Brahvis continued to identify as such, it would fracture their vote bank.
Brahvis are, indeed, Baloch. Consequently, they started adopting the Baloch identity in their names. Originally, Brahvis hail from Central Asiaa fact supported by the era of DNA. In this age, a simple DNA test can trace the geographical locations of one’s past 50 ancestors. Scientific research on Brahvis indicates their Central Asian origins.
Balochs, exemplified by figures like Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, embody the quintessential Baloch identity. Bugti serves as a perfect example, with his beautiful face, thin nose, and representation of the typical Baloch appearance. Balochs trace their roots to Arabistan within Balochistan. Mir Hasil Bizenjo, may Allah grant him a place in Jannah, on the other hand, possessed a thick nose and shorter stature, characteristic of a typical Brahvi.
While there may be some variations, Bizenjo epitomized the Brahvi identity. During our interactions in various seminars, disagreements arose when I stated that Brahvis belong to a distinct stock. Bizenjo would take five to ten minutes to refute my statement, insisting that I was mistaken and that they are, indeed, Baloch.
Q: Connecting to the previous question, I would like to request an explanation regarding the origin of the separatists’ slogan.
A: It becomes intriguing when Khan of Qalat Sahib became a part of Pakistan and signed the agreement. His brother, Abdul Kareem, referred to himself as a Prince, a title that doesn’t accurately apply to the son or brother of a Khanhe should have been called a Khanzada. Nevertheless, he insisted on being addressed as a Prince.
For the initial four months after assuming the role of Khan of Qalat, Prince Abdul Kareem deliberated on his course of action. After this period, he publicly declared his intention to rebel against Pakistan. His plan involved traveling to Afghanistan, rallying the Baloch people, and engaging in a struggle against Pakistan to reclaim Balochistan.
Remaining in Afghanistan for approximately two years, he eventually returned while his elder brother, Rehmat Yar Khan, still held the position of Khan of Qalat. Some of our Baloch brethren assert that this marked the onset of the first insurgency. However, I argue that Prince Abdul Karim’s move to Afghanistan does not fit the definition of insurgency.
Upon his return after three years, Prince Abdul Kareem faded into obscurity, leaving no lasting impact on history. The individuals advocating for separation at the time were exclusively the nominated ministers of the Khan of Qalat. Their motivation stemmed from the belief that their government had come to an end, and no one else but them championed this demand.
Examining the historical context, in 1945, at the conclusion of World War II, the United States endeavored to establish itself as the preeminent global power. Possessing the atomic bomb, a capability unique to them, they took measures to impede others from advancing, encircling Russia. Subsequently, an American, motivated not by financial gain but by the desire to maintain global equilibrium, approached Russia, urging them to develop an atomic bomb. This marked the genesis of NATO, initially comprising 21 countries and later expanding to 29, strategically encircling the Soviet Union.
Simultaneously, the U.S. established CENTO, involving Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan, with an agreement that in the event of an attack on America, these nations would provide assistance, but if attacked, the U.S. would turn a blind eye. Additionally, the creation of SEATO (South East Asian Treaty Organization) further tightened the ring around the Soviet Union. In response, the KGB orchestrated the London Conference in 1970, devising a plan to exploit ethnic tensions in Turkey and incite the Kurds to demand separation.
Sistan Balochistan and Qalati Balochistan Division, Qalat had achieved division status but had not yet attained provincial status. Following the 1970 elections, a province was established, with prominent figures like Attaullah Mengal, the father of Akhtar Mengal, and Khair Bakhsh Marri participating. Notably, Bugti did not attend, but Ahmed Rasheed did.
It’s worth noting that the formation of the Communist Party was restricted in Pakistan by the Americans, but an underground party persisted. Communist representatives from Sistan-Baluchistan attended a meeting in London, expressing a desire for separation. Initially, the call for separation came from Southern Balochistan, aiming to join Sistan Balochistan and form Greater Balochistan.
The first slogan of separation came from Southern Balochistan, expressing their intention to join Sistan Balochistan and name the merged region Greater Balochistan. In the 1970 election, the party advocating for separation came to power. However, once in power, they faced the challenge of governance and resorted to expelling Punjabis and teachers. Mr. Ataullah Mengal and the police in A and B areas initiated a purge, resulting in the dismissal of 3,200 policemen and 3,500 teachers, comprising 80 to 85 percent of the teaching staff.
Furthermore, they appointed individuals with only a fifth-grade education as teachers. In February 1973, an attack on the Jamots shifted the focus from creating Greater Balochistan to internal conflicts. Balochistan had already expanded significantly, incorporating Southern Balochistan and British Balochistan.
During this period, the media reported daily on the unrest. The federal government was urged to intervene as the situation worsened. Prime Minister Bhutto eventually dismissed the government of Ataullah Mengal, leading to protests and resignations from key figures like Ghaws Bakhsh Bizenjo and Wali Khan.
Starting the rebellion in the first attack, they killed 8 FC soldiers in Sibbi while on normal patrol along the railway line. There are two types of Mengals; one is called Ziger Mengal in Nushki. After killing them, they began shooting at every passing civilian vehicle near Mustang. Subsequently, they targeted the drivers of the railway line in Bolan Pass. The army grew angry. In 1973, when the Shimla Agreement was signed with Indira Gandhi, I returned from the front line.
The entire army was deployed, and 60 Brigade was the first sent to Kolu, taking about a year and a half. General Numan Sahib was the Corps Commander. When separatists were apprehended, it was discovered they were fewer in number. Fazal Haq Sahib, a Brigadier at the time, stated that they had it under control, and there was no need for an operation.
After becoming a Lieutenant General, he later became a governor. There was no need for a major operation in the South, and it concluded within one and a half years. The Commander and Chief of the Southern Force, a classmate of my younger brother, visited me after everything was over. He revealed they were about 325 people in total in the South and 1500 in the North. Khair Bakhsh Mari sent him to Moscow, and all his education was completed there. Sher Muhammad Murri, who called himself the Lion of Murri, was also acquainted with us. The demand for separation lost its effectiveness.
From 1973 onwards, the rebellion was eradicated by 1975, bringing complete peace to Balochistan. From 1975 to 2006, a period of 30 years, there was absolute peace with no demands for separation. However, things changed after 2006.
The Soviet Union collapsed in 1989 and completely in 1990. The Americans, known as Newcons, sought to prevent any potential rival after the Soviet Union’s rivalry. They orchestrated something akin to Pearl Harbor to garner global sympathy for their cause. This plan, known as the Project for a New American Century (PNAC), was led by Wolfowitz. The events of 9/11 unfolded, and the United States turned its attention to perceived enemy countries, with China topping the list. They were also intended to exploit the oil and gas resources of Central Asia to contain Russia. Simultaneously, they incited an uprising in Iran to thwart its nuclear ambitions.
They attacked Afghanistan on October 7, and there was no one in Afghanistan with whom they could fight. How could they combat with their Kalashnikovs against the Daisy Cutter bomb, which was the size of a car? Although I didn’t witness it, I read its description. It possessed the most explosive power after the atom bomb.
In reality, they came here for China because they had decided to contain China. Simultaneously, they were eyeing the oil and gas resources of Central Asia to contain Russia as well. On the other hand, they initiated an uprising in Iran to eliminate the nuclear program that was underway there. Netanyahu consistently claims that their biggest enemy is Pakistan. After 9/11, they exerted immense pressure on Pervez Musharraf to allow them to deploy troops. When Musharraf was unwilling to agree, they eventually orchestrated an agitation and removed him.
A nuclear weapon of Pakistan is so powerful that it stands on one side while the entire armed forces of Pakistan stand on the other. This creates such a significant disparity that only a military mind can comprehend it fully. Our entire armed forces, numbering about 850,000, cannot attack or destroy New York, but one of your nuclear weapons can obliterate New York.
- What do you think in the case of Gaza? Has it been a surprise? Has all their intelligence, including the CIA, failed? And where does Pakistan stand now?
Ans. Mirza Sahib, I don’t agree with you. Nothing has failed. They created Hamas themselves. No one is going to tell Hamas, “Are you so powerful that you can teach them a lesson?” What happened is the second 9/11. Tell me, these poor people have a few bombs left or sticks; two aircraft carriers have arrived, what are they doing in the Mediterranean? They actually want to wipe out Iran and also Pakistan because we are in the cross wires.
Q: Brig. Gul, I would also like to inquire about the economic status of Balochistan.
A: Today, in the entire Balochistan region, only Northern Balochistan, formerly known as British Balochistan, receives relatively more rainfall. During the monsoon season, areas like Zhob, Ziarat, and Quetta experience rain. Additionally, in winter, westerly fronts bring heavy rain and snow to Northern Balochistan, covering the mountains of Kakar Khorasan with snow.
The subsurface water level is slightly recharged here, unlike Southern Balochistan, which lacks such replenishment. The absence of rivers, water reservoirs, and lakes in both Northern and Southern Balochistan poses a challenge for agriculture. Prosperity is closely tied to agriculture, as seen in ancient civilizations like Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, and Mesopotamia, which thrived along riverbanks. Without water, achieving prosperity becomes a formidable task, especially given the challenges of water reservation, requiring suitable terrain for dam construction.
Q: I read a Pakistan Atomic Commission Research Paper, and it was mentioned that when it is very humid, there’s a layer of four to five feet below the ground. The layer doesn’t let the water in. You’re supposed to break the layer and drill into the layer and do whatever it takes to let the water down? It can work in Balochistan’s case because it has been happening for two years that Balochistan is sinking due to over rain.
A: Quetta was isolated in the rains that occurred on August 22 last year, and similar rains occurred in 1986 when I was visiting Quetta. I was sitting in Sibbi because the road at Bolan Pass was washed away, and there was no way.
After 1986, there were such rains last year. If you talk about Balochistan’s budget for this year so it is Rs 750 billion, of which 80 percent is to be taken from the federal government. The government of Pakistan has also kept a deficit of five trillion. Where will the deficit amount come from? Five trillion means five thousand billions; where will it come from?
Last federal government and the provincial government have also given the gifts to Pakistan during the last stage of their tenure. The revenue generation of the provincial government that they can use is not above 20 percent. Last year i.e. 2021-22, the revenue that was given to the federal government was 1.6 percent of all the four five provinces of Pakistan. This year, which is 1.4 percent in 2022-23, is even lower than last year.
Q: You wrote that some of their support comes from smuggling. Many of your institutions are also involved in trafficking?
A: Many people try to get advantage doesn’t matter how it comes. I don’t understand; where would you get honest people from? See, when I took over Wapda in Balochistan, the revenue was Rs 1.8 billion. When I left after three and a half years, the revenue was 12.4 billion. There is no comparison where 1.8 billion and where 12.4 billion. I used to tell people that corruption starts from the line superintendent if he asks bribes, inform me.
I will give you free, and I really did it. Member Finance said that Brigadier you were sent to increase the revenue but you are waiving. I said that the person who has a room gets a bill of two lakhs rupees. How can WAPDA give them a two lakh rupees bill? And my line superintendent will take 50 rupees from him and give him electricity every month. What I had done is that I made a team that asks how much money can they give? When a person said I am poor, I can give you two thousand.
We say no, you should raise it a little, than he offers four thousand but it in installments. We accepted that. One lakh 96 thousand written off in the name of Pakistan, and since we were not dishonest, our revenue started coming. Chairman Wapda told Member finance that I was doing the right thing. We did it with good intentions, and the company which was not even at number 15 or 16. It became the number one company within my two years in percentage recovery.
I went to Bugti Sahib when I took over KESCO when I reached, Bugti sahib despite knowing that I was coming rudely said by his people that I will not go by car. We got down from the car and started walking. FC guards were with me his people said the guard will not go. We said Okay and we went without guards. There was a Katcha house. Inside, Bugti Sahib and Saleem, his elder son, both have died now, May Allah grant them Jannah.
I used to call Bugti Sahib Uncle as a child when he used to meet my father. When I was ADC of Corps Commander in 73 when he became Governor, I used to call him Sir. Now when I went that time I called him Nawab Sahib.
After taking tea, I said, Nawab sahib, I have come to you with 2 requests, one is that there should be no theft in your area and the other is that these people should pay their bills. Nawab Sahib stroked his mustache for a while and said ‘OK’. He mostly talked in English. When I reached the rest house of FC, my SE said that Nawab Sahib’s Mukhtiarkar came and asking to regularize all their connections.
I had said throughout the province that you should apply for regularization, we will regularize, no questions will be asked, and no arrears will be taken. I ordered to regularize all the connections of Nawab Sahib. And then he gave the message that now the electric authority and military should communicate each other. I have nothing to do with it. I was very thankful to Nawab Sahib that the electricity theft was ended in Dera Bugti, and revenue started generating.
(At the conclusion of the interview, Nusrat Mirza, the host, conveyed his heartfelt appreciation to the brigadier. He expressed gratitude for the brigadier’s valuable time and the insightful interview, emphasizing that the shared information and discussed experiences were genuinely priceless.)
